⇩⇩⇩⇩⇩⇩ . 123Movies https://moviebemka.com/id-7657.htm?utm_source=form_run ▲▲▲▲▲▲ runtime 1 hour 45 Minute Country USA Stars Jewel Kilcher Creator Rotimi Rainwater Lost in America is a movie starring Rosario Dawson, Halle Berry, and Tiffany Haddish. A documentary film that follows director Rotimi Rainwater, a former homeless youth, as he travels the country to shine a light on the epidemic of Hd lost in america images. Sign Up for Our free email newsletters America's military prowess has never been greater, but our thinking about foreign affairs has rarely been so pedestrian. In the days since the U. S. military followed through on direct orders from President Trump to kill Iranian Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, we've heard from a wide range of pundits and analysts. On one side, the right reverts to self-congratulatory chest-thumping about inflicting punishment on a "bad guy" who "deserved" his fate. On the other, the left declares Trump's actions "illegal, " denying the legitimacy of his rationale for striking Soleimani. Each side has a point. Soleimani has been sowing chaos in the region, and he had taken a series of provocative actions against American troops and allies since the summer that more than justified a strong response. At the same time, the Trump administration's stated casus belli (attempting to preempt future attacks about which we purportedly possessed firm intelligence) sounds suspiciously like the ginned up justifications the Bush 43 administration used to make the case for going to war against Saddam Hussein in 2003. All of this is horribly familiar and insufficient. International affairs involve so much more than demonstrations of moral purity and the punctilious following of legal procedures. Yet you would never know this from the level of discussion and debate in Washington and the mainstream media, where far more fundamental and important issues — like whether it was wise to take out Soleimani, whether it advanced America's vital national interests, and how the act fits into our broader strategy in the world — hardly ever come up. Instead, the focus repeatedly returns to questions of moral righteousness and legality. But wait, some are bound to object, haven't plenty of analysts been debating whether the attack on Soleimani was a bad idea, including whether it could provoke a painful Iranian counter-strike on the U. and its allies? People have indeed been arguing about such questions. But these are questions of tactics, not strategy. They presume that the broader aim of our policy — pushing back against Iranian influence in Iraq while we also continue to pursue additional goals within the country, among them stamping out the last remnants of ISIS — is settled, obvious. They presume that our strategy in the region — including partnering with Saudi Arabia in its proxy war with Iran in Yemen — is sound. That it's reasonable. That it benefits the United States to keep attempting to militarily micromanage the Middle East 18 years after the September 11 attacks and nearly 30 years since Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait. That's when today's unspoken, unquestionable assumptions about American strategy and interests in the Middle East — assumptions that desperately need to be subjected to scrutiny — were first formed and then hardened into a supposedly self-evident dogma. When Hussein invaded Kuwait, President George H. W. Bush decided to turn it into a decisive moment of the post-Cold War world. One nation had invaded another, and Bush set out to lead a broad-based coalition of countries, working through the United Nations, to show that such behavior would not stand. The world would come together, behind American leadership, to turn back and punish this extra-territorial aggression. This would be a "New World Order, " a model of how international relations might be conducted in a world with just one superpower at the helm seeking to uphold liberal norms. As Bush defined its goals, the Gulf War was a smashing success. The international coalition held together and Hussein's invasion was reversed. But because Hussein was left in power, the U. ended up in the unenviable role of serving as the primary enforcer of U. N. disarmament resolutions and No Fly Zones that were imposed to protect minority groups in the country's north and south. It turned out that the New World Order boiled down to the American military periodically launching punitive air strikes against a dictator 6, 000 miles from American shores in the hopes that he might learn to play nice with the "international community. " This continued throughout the administration of President Bill Clinton, while several members of the Bush 41 administration, including Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld, came to the conclusion that they'd made a mistake in allowing Hussein to stay in power (even though any effort to overthrow him after his expulsion from Kuwait would have shattered the coalition Bush had assembled to fight and support the war's narrow aims). On the one hand, Hussein's sovereignty was severely curtailed. On the other, he now considered the U. his mortal enemy. Was it really in America's interests to allow him to stay in power, waiting for the world to grow tired of policing him? Eventually he'd reacquire the right to use his airspace as he wished and restart his weapons programs. And then the U. would be confronted with a potent adversary out for revenge. In the context of the late 1990s, with the U. seemingly on top of the world, this anxiety sounded more than a little paranoid. But after 9/11, with the U. feeling wronged and newly vulnerable, it seemed indisputable to many. Certainly for Cheney, Rumsfeld, and others now working in the Bush 43 administration, it was clear that the U. needed to solve its Hussein problem once and for all. This would be good for America, of course, but also for its allies in the War on Terror, and for the U. N., which would finally be assured that its post-Gulf War resolutions were being enforced, and for the Middle East, which would learn a valuable lesson about the potency and righteousness of American power, and about the potential for democratic reform in the region. All good things would go together. There would be no need for trade-offs. The U. would overthrow Hussein, our troops would be greeted as liberators, Al Qaeda would quake in its boots, and the next thing you know everyone from Tel Aviv to Kabul would be singing a happy American tune about the glories of freedom and democracy. Bush 41's vision of a New World Order had been transformed into a worldwide crusade to spread liberal democracy with heavy weaponry. The amazing thing about this Panglossian vision of the world is that it not only survived the disaster of the Iraq invasion, occupation, insurgency, and civil war, but actually spread and took deeper root throughout the American foreign policy community as George W. Bush completed his second term and Barack Obama entered the White House. In 2003 these analysts hoped and assumed the dual process of ensuring American safety and transforming the Middle East in our image would be a quick and easy operation. Now they recognized that its endpoint may well be indeterminate. But that didn't mean it was any less choiceworthy. The members of America's foreign policy establishment now believed that upholding and enforcing order around the world required the U. to militarily micromanage the Greater Middle East. Obama, decisively influenced by the tragic Christian realism of Reinhold Niebuhr, was skeptical of this vision, and worked during his administration to resist it. In his early efforts to get Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to halt settlement expansion in the West Bank, his conciliatory Cairo speech about relations between the West and the Muslim world, his decision to withdraw troops from Iraq, and his pursuit of the Iran deal, the opening to Cuba, and the pivot to Asia — in all of these ways, Obama attempted to adopt a different, less messianic geopolitical strategy for the United States. And at each step leading members of the foreign policy community worked to thwart his efforts. At other times — as in his decision to repeat the mistakes of Iraq in Libya and his willingness to aid the Saudis in their efforts to crush an Iran-backed insurgency in Yemen — he proved too weak to withstand the institutional and ideological inertia in favor of intervention. How does Trump differ from his predecessors? He appears to be motivated in large part by the desire to reverse every policy Obama enacted — which has had the effect of turning back the clock to the latter years of the Bush administration, though with some important differences. His tactics are more unpredictable than those of previous presidents, careening wildly from dovish restraint to provocative threats and acts of violence. And he neither talks about democracy nor acts in a way that displays any concern for the good of the people living in the parts of the world in which we continually meddle. Yet Trump's actions nonetheless demonstrate that he believes it's in the interest of the United States to continue our military micromanagement of the Middle East, now with special emphasis on Iran. That is the key assumption that no one wants to acknowledge or examine, from the president on down through his advisers and the leading foreign policy "experts" of both parties. Until someone in our public life questions this supremely questionable assumption, suggests an alternative strategy for our actions in the world, and builds popular support for it and against the stultifying status quo in Washington, American foreign policy will continue to drift from one pointless Middle Eastern war to the next, with no end in sight. Want more essential commentary and analysis like this delivered straight to your inbox? Sign up for The Week's "Today's best articles" newsletter here. Hd lost in america download. Hd Lost In american. RSS | Contact | top Copyright. © Paul Craig Roberts 2019. - Please contact us for information on syndication rights. This site offers factual information and viewpoints that might be useful in arriving at an understanding of the events of our time. We believe that the information comes from reliable sources, but cannot guarantee the information to be free of mistakes and incorrect interpretations. IPE has no official position on any issue and does not necessarily endorse the statements of any contributor. Alice Cooper is amazing and thx Alice you and your music rocks. Hd Lost int. american. Not the original 1979 version 😆 the rerecorded version from 2004 on the Japanese only album. Hd lost in america full. Just saw Alice Cooper and it was epic he sounds the same. Hd Lost In america. Hd Lost In america army. Hd lost in america lyrics. W here have America’s young men gone? According to Erik Hurst, an economist from the University of Chicago, they haven’t gone anywhere—they’re just plugged in. In a recent interview, Hurst says that his research indicates that young men with less than a four-year degree (according to virtually all data, that’s an increasing number) are spending their days unemployed and unmarried, but not un-amused. “The hours that they are not working have been replaced almost one-for-one with leisure time, ” Hurst reports. “Seventy-five percent of this new leisure time falls into one category: video games. The average low-skilled, unemployed man in this group plays video games an average of twelve, and sometimes upwards of thirty hours per week. ” Hurst goes on: “These individuals are living with parents or relatives, and happiness surveys actually indicate that they [are] quite content compared to their peers, making it hard to argue that some sort of constraint, [such as that] they are miserable because they can’t find a job, is causing them to play video games. ” In other words, the time these young men spend on Xbox and Playstation does not offer them relief from the stress of joblessness and existential inertia. On the contrary, for them it’s part of Living the Dream. Video games have often caused consternation among older adults and cultural critics, an angst that is usually disproportionate to the games’ real consequences. In most cases, gaming is not especially different from other amusements, such as watching Netflix or logging on to social media. Concern about video-game content, especially violent content, can be valid, but it always runs into the problem of numbers: A great many gamers play Call of Duty and Grand Theft Auto, and violent crime has been going down at the same time those games have been most popular. But if Hurst’s research is accurate (and profit margins from the video-game industry suggest that it is), then the issue becomes much bigger than video games themselves. The portrait that emerges of the young American male indicates an isolated, entertainment-absorbed existence, with only the most childlike social ties (such as with parents and “bros”) playing a meaningful role. Young men, significantly more so than young women, are stuck in life. Research released in May from the Pew Center documented a historic demographic shift: American men aged 18–30 are now statistically more likely to be living with their parents than with a romantic partner. This trend is significant, for one simple reason: Twenty-and thirty-something men who are living at home, working part-time or not at all, are unlikely to be preparing for marriage. Hurst’s research says that these men are single, unoccupied, and fine with that—because their happiness doesn’t depend on whether they are growing up and living life. This prolonged delay of marriage and relational commitment often means a perpetual adolescence in other areas of life. Love and sex are arguably the best incentives for men to assert their adulthood. But in the comfort of their parents’ homes and their gaming systems, young men get to live out their fantasies without the frictions of reality. What does that sound like? It sounds like pornography. Could it be that one reason that millions of young American men feel satisfied with their perpetual adolescence is that their sexual appetites are sated by a steady diet of internet porn? No woman they could meet at the coffee shop or on the church camping trip could possibly compete with these perfectly toned, perfectly undemanding models. The mild embarrassment a man might feel at looking real girls in the eye after days of masturbatory absorption in fantasy perfection is avoidable, if he simply doesn’t get out. A connection between enslavement to video games and enslavement to pornography is not far-fetched. As Russell Moore has noted, the former offers “fake war, ” while the latter offers “fake love. ” Between the Xbox and the X-rating, a young man can oscillate from the primal thrills of conquest to the orgasmic comfort of faux-intimacy. When these two temptations meet in the lonely dark of Mom and Dad’s basement, what’s not to like? At a time when our culture desperately needs bold and compassionate models of Christian masculinity, the prospect that an entire generation’s potential should be wasted on an addiction to stimulation is deeply sad. Sin is always double-edged like that—it’s a matter not only of doing what one ought not do, but also of neglecting to do what one ought. What might these millions of young men be doing, if they were not doing this? These are America’s lost boys. They should matter to anyone who cares about human flourishing, the beauty of family, the sustenance of friendship, and the health of our civic society. Rather than try to attract these millennials by reshaping faith in the image of entertainment, we as Christians should offer a gospel that saves not only from hell but also from meaninglessness. Tolkien reminded us that not all who wander are lost. I would add, not all who are lost, wander. Samuel D. James  is associate acquisitions editor for Crossway Books and blogs at  Mere Orthodoxy. Become a fan of  First Things  on  Facebook,  subscribe to   First Things   via  RSS, and follow  First Things  on  Twitter. Hd lost in america tv. From one of best music albums: Alice Cooper - Trash. 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Lost in America  faces an uphill route to its box-office destination. Former  Saturday Night Live  filmmaker Albert Brooks’ third feature (after  Real Life  and  Modern Romance) is a wry satire of modern-day social malaise, but the deadpan cerebral humor of this Geffen Co. release through Warner Bros. is likely to leave most audiences waiting for the punch line. Brooks (who co-authored the script with partner Monica Johnson) and  Airplane ’s Julie Hagerty play a bored, well-to-do Los Angeles couple who impulsively trade in their Mercedes for a motor home and embark on a journey of self-discovery a la  Easy Rider. But their odyssey, which begins with wifey sacrificing the family’s entire nest egg to a Vegas roulette wheel and terminates in a windswept Arizona trailer park, soon comes to more closely resemble an upper-tax-bracket edition of  National Lampoon’s Vacation. The difference — and the problem — is that Brooks’ movie is often too realistic for its own good. His antiseptic visuals, which perfectly convey the characters’ vapid environments, have an almost harrowing believability. Eric Saarinen’s unobtrusive location photography and the casting of unfamiliar faces in supporting roles (including producer Garry Marshall in a convincing cameo as a casino pit boss) further reinforce the picture’s unnerving documentary quality. Too often, things are simply too painfully accurate to be particularly funny. Still, it’s hard to fault Brooks’ resolutely adult intelligence, and Lost in America  — almost in spite of itself, really — is easily his most consistently amusing work to date. The director’s own rather bland screen persona, in most cases a hindrance, here works to particularly identifiable advantage. Indeed the movie’s comic highlights derive from Brooks’ periodic losses of equanimity, outbursts of righteous indignation that demonstrate an uproarious mastery of the slow-burn principle. Brooks has additionally been well served by a capable crew — cinematographer Saarinen, editor David Finfer, production designer Richard Sawyer, composer Arthur Rubinstein — who lends his efforts considerable polish. The filmmakers’ greatest asset, however, is Hagerty. Discarding her customary winsomeness, she imbues an unattractively written role with a sort of tarnished naivete that is perhaps the happiest find of this Lost in America.  — Kirk Ellis, originally published on Feb. 13, 1985. Your current browser isn't compatible with SoundCloud. Please download one of our supported browsers. Need help? Writer: Kimberly Alexa https://twitter.com/kimalexapr Info: Organic People PR | Writer | Marketing